Wednesday, February 29, 2012

Defining Genres

Spinuzzi, Clay. 2004. "Four Ways to Investigate Assemblages of Texts: Genre Sets, Systems, Repertoires, and Ecologies." SIGDOC. AMC 10–13 Oct. Memphis, Tennessee.


How should we assemble genres? Spinuzzi, in this head-spinning article, suggests four ways to group genres:

  1. Sets
  2. Systems
  3. Repertoire
  4. Ecology (110)
Showing the difference in each definition proves tricky—there are so many abstract concepts at work. So Spinuzzi runs a helpful illustration to develop concrete examples of the differences. He presents "Ralph," a fictional character at a telecommunications company. He described all the genres that Ralph used in a simple phone conversation. The illustration bothered me at first, because I'm used to a more firm definition of what a genre can and can't be, provided by Carolyn Miller. But Spinuzzi accepts every post-it note, scribbled pencil mark, and calendar annotation as a separate genre (111). After reading his definitions, though, it made more sense.

It seems as though he builds a framework for understanding "unofficial" genres like those notes. To find the layers of genre definition, he suggests looking through several lenses:
  • Model of Action
  • Agency
  • Foregrounded Genres
  • Perspective
  • Relationship between Genres (111)
Through these prisms, the genre sets focus only on the product of the work from an individual perspective (111–112); the genre systems work along textual pathways to comprise social activity (here Yates and Orlikowski are cited—I recognize them!); the genre repertoires (again Yates and Orlikowski) "emphasize individual and group communicative performances," but the emphasis is still on communication. Spinuzzi gets to the genre ecologies, which seems to be his preferred assemblage. 

Genre ecologies "emphasize genre as collective achievements that act just as much as they are acted upon" (114). This is based in a theory of distributed cognition. Genre ecologies take into account what Spinuzzi calls "mediating artifacts" such as checklists, calendars, and notes. In this assemblage of genres, none of the artifacts or genres stand alone, they interact (114). The framework seems much more like biology—it's messy and not easily defined. Spinuzzi mentions "The emphasis is on how several genres are simultaneously (or nearly simultaneously) brought to bear on a problem" (115). Together, the genres and artifact something unique together—not as one piece of communication.

Pretty wild, but pretty messy.

The Methodology of Participatory Design

Spinuzzi, Clay. 2005. "The Methodology of Participatory Design." Technical Communication. 52 (2): 163–174. 


Researchers take different approaches in designing computer interfaces. I haven't thought about it too much before until I entered this program. But I've read great articles from a researcher at the University of Washington who conducts in-depth studies gauging how people use new computer software, how they interact with the options, and how they read the web pages. 


As I read this Spinuzzi article, I found myself wondering more about our interaction with technology. How much of that interaction could be more fluid if the design would have been approached with the user in mind? I'm sure this is a constant question for web designers, but as Spinuzzi discusses in this reading, the meaning goes much deeper than just website design. In the industrial area, for instance, entire systems are created for a task, and those systems are operated by workers pressing buttons and pulling levers—interacting with interfaces.


Many designers of these large systems talk about creating them with a participatory design. Technical communication researchers, too (maybe even more often), use about this approach when creating systems. But the term means a much different thing to many who use it. Spinuzzi states:
The terms participatory design and user-centered design are being broadly applied in the philosophical and pedagogical work of technical communication; methods associated with those terms are being applied in technical communications research; and prototypes in particular are often presented as a vital part of iterative usability (163). 
The problem for Spinuzzi is that there is no set guide for the methodology of participatory design. What is it? How do you go about it? What isn't it? In the article, he answers these questions.


Participatory design research is a way to understand knowledge by doing (163). "Participatory design is research" Spinuzzi says (163). This distinguishes it from just another type of design research. Spinuzzi makes the claim that is turns out to be a good match technical communicators (164). The goal of the research method is to shape the interface in ways that the workers will find to be positive, not just productive from the managerial point of view.


The research came about after large computer systems were replacing people's jobs in Scandinavia. the workplace had to adapt to technological changes, the workers wanted to keep a democratic-oriented workplace. It's easy to see how a large automated system would take power away from the employees by reducing the choices they could make. Instead of controlling the system and making quick, competent decisions regarding the work, they were harnessed and unable to reject changes made by management or the designers of the computer systems. 


Spinuzzi mentions this new computer-designed workplace as a rationalist approach to design, which goes hand-in-hand with Taylorism, a theory which took discretion and decisions away from workers. 


Taylorists believed all human knowledge was discoverable and categorizable. Rationalists built off of this idea and said if all the knowledge was collected and categorized, then designers could create correct design.


But participatory design, on the other hand, "is founded on constructivism, a theory that explicitly resists the notion that knowledge can be completely formalized and classified" (165).


As a research design, this can be confusing. Don't we need to believe that knowledge can be formalized? Not necessarily. Spinuzzi describes the idea of tacit knowledge. Tacit means unseen; tacit knowledge is hiding between the written down answer on a test and an automated action. That is, someone might unconsciously act without thinking much about it. But if they were to train someone else in on the same procedure, they may have a hard time explaining just what it is they do, or how they know when to do it. As Spinuzzi describes it, "tacit knowledge is implicit rather than explicit, holistic rather than bounded and systemized; it is what people know without being able to articulate" (165).


I imagine that a research might ask a question and get a response similar to "I'm not sure, I just know how to do it." Such a response might lead to a discovery of tacit knowledge. 


As I read, I wondered if some bungled government processes do a similar thing. Assume there is one best approach for something, then impose that approach on all. Could there be a link between this rational and environmental risks? I know in Rachel Carson's Silent Spring, she expresses frustration with the government's lack of interest in exploring ways of dealing with environmental risks besides pesticides. In the final chapters of her book, she outlines biological approaches to dealing with environmental risks. One of her main concerns was that the government was approaching such a large-scale problem with one answer: which is also something we deal with on an agricultural plane. Problem: There's not enough food. Answer: Create one answer to the problem and replicate it over and over (genetically modified food). This is a simplified connection, but I'm hoping something similar will apply to the research I'm conducting.


In Scandinavia, researchers took action research to the workplaces. Instead of just observing from the outside, the researchers took part, becoming directly involved in the studies with a desire to create a direct outcome—giving more power back to the workers (165). The participatory design first attempted to discover tacit knowledge, and then it set about to reflect on the found knowledge (165). Then instead of bypassing this tacit knowledge, the system can be fit into what already exists.



Spinuzzi lists three criterions for participatory design: 
  1. Quality of life for workers;
  2. Collaborative development; and
  3. Iterative process (in other words, continual study). (169–171)

As a downside, this type of research is never quite done. All tacit knowledge cannot be found, so the research is never exhaustive. It takes intensive time, money and resources to complete (169), which might make it impractical in many scenarios. 


So to recap, participatory design finds tacit knowledge. Researchers may do this through "organizational games (citations), role-playing games (citations), organizational toolkits (citations), future workshops (citations), storyboarding (citations), and workflow models and interpreting sessions (citations)" (167).


This research takes partnership approach. The designers aren't dictators, they are partners who help empower the workers in their workplace environment (167).








Friday, February 24, 2012

Neuzil's View of Environmental Journalism


Neuzil, Mark. The Environment and the Press: From Adventure Writing to Advocacy. 2008. Evenston: Northwestern University Press.

In this book, Neuzil offers a creative take on the relationship between journalism and environmental subjects. I say creative because he starts further back in the past they I would have expected. But more on that later.

The majority of the book traces our American history of environmental journalism. As Neuzil says, environmental journalism, as a routine component of the mainstream American press, emerged as a consequential factor in how citizens and their governments view, manage, preserve, and exploit their natural surroundings (184-185). The status today? The environment is a legitimate beat in many of the American newspapers for about 40 years. However, the beat is still fairly young comparative to many of journalistic areas (204). And often environmental reporting in mass media is lacks "depth and context" (206).

However, the chapter on outdoor adventure writing seemed to focus more on the formation of different groups, as did the chapter about early environmental concerns. I do see the connection, though, between the need for an audience for the environmental reporting, and these groups not only make a great audience but also provide a lot of content for stories.

My idea of outdoor adventure writing has more to do with John Krakauer and Outside magazine. Neuzil writes beyond adventure enthusiast activities of backpackers today, and more about organizational development of early hunting and fishing groups. On his chapter on nature writing, he sought to inform the reader about the past writers of nature in American historyalthough he did write significantly about Isaac Walton, who I didnt know of. Then he covered basic outdoor writers such as the Thoreau, Borroughs (who I didnt know much about), and John Muir.

I greatly appreciated Neuzils writing about Sigurd Olson. Ive read The Singing Wilderness and I knew of Olsons advocacy work. I didnt know that he had/has a national following. Because of his relationship with the Boundary Waters Canoe Area Wilderness, I expected his fanbase to be more localized. I was wronghe was voted one of the most popular nature writers by the Sierra Club magazine. When I read that Olson died with his snowshoes on, I teared up. If only all of us can find that place in life to do what we love until the moment of our death, I thought.

With Neuzils take, it was easy to see how environmental writing, or nature writing, changed as society progresses. And its impact depends on proximity to population. As Neuzil mentions, Small newspapers are more likely to be consensus oriented rather than conflict oriented (174).

Objective journalism in America did not show up until the 1890s (131). Around that time, people advocated against the use of birds in fashion. During this time it's estimated that 5 million birds were killed annually for their use in the fashion industryalthough no one's really sure of an accurate count (134). The outraged bird lovers formed a new movement, the Audubon movement. It gained steam as they fought the women's fashion industry, which had plenty of its own ammunition to protect its causes. The press attempted to cover both sides getting information from the industry and the groups spokespersons in local areas. The debate got so heated that volunteer Audubon wardens were killed trying to protect the birds (144) which is hard to imagine happening today. It does remind me Jnathan Franzens piece in The New Yorker called Emptying the Skies. It describes a similar problem around Italy and Cyprus. The area is a hotspot for migrating birds and many meet their fate from hunters who blast them out of the sky illegally. Even songbirds are prey; they are caught on poles covered in glue so they can be sold to restaurants. These practices are illegal, but the enforcement is light, so few have any fear of reprimand. Franzen tags along with rangers and finds real challenges to their authoritythey have reason to fear for their life if they push enforcement too far.

As Neuzil observed, the pattern that forms with environmental conservation is this: a threat attempts to disturb the natural environment; then a social coalition forms to protect the environment from the threat. He describes a similar situation with dam building forces out west. The coalitions were key to pushing back a dam in Dinosaur National Monument. He states, "As in the movement against the Millners, the formation of coalitions is critical to any success of the anti-damn forces (147).

This book was full of great stories from times past. For instance, when the industrial revolution was in full swing, he public held a fascination with the “back to nature” movement. One journalist in Boston ran into the Maine woods with only his undies on, and supposedly survived for several weeks, emerging a hero. Neuzil makes a daft point about the whole matter.

In journalism history one common assumption is that the content of the press tells the something about the audience, even if, in the end, the nature man stories were more like the moon hoax of 1835 which claim the existence of intelligent life on the moon then Nellie Bly's adventures and 1880s. (173)

That was a sensationalistic story. Another story represented the theme of the media as the government watchdog. It dealt with Taft, a reclusive president. The office of the president has held regular press briefings since the Administration in the early 1900s. Taft did not hold press briefings because he didn't believe in bringing information to the public media. As a result, the press got information from critics (including Gifford Pinchot, the founder of the National Forest Service). Eventually, Taft was implicated in the press for a land grab in Alaska, due to the muckraking press (165).

Although the trend is been moving away from superficial environmental reporting from the early 1900s (like the sensational nature man story), national attention is paid to the reactionary stories like that of the Sago mine disaster in 2006. Today in modern journalism, environmental writing is institutionalized with a few professional associations, such as the Society of Environmental Journalists.

In modern journalism, the real trouble with environmental writing and media is that it can be difficult to tell where advocacy begins in fact reporting ends. Michael Frome, an advocacy journalist, urges environmental journalists to follow Rachel Carson and write with a desire to advance the cause of a better world (130). The debate continues today, although the SEJ keeps advocates out of the primary membership of the group. Still, even the more objective national media plays a critical role in drawing attention to environmental concerns, especially when policy is about to be made (194-195). It seems that the idea of objectivity does drift further from us (in Neuzils view) and journalism moves closer to the advocacy of some early journalism. However, todays writing is much more steeped in peer-mediated science (232). Several modern examples were given.

Living on Earth was an environmental radio show that ran on National Public Radio in the 1990s. It was hosted by Steve Kerwood and provided more in-depth reporting on environmental matters (207-208).

The book describes Discovery Channel and Outdoors Life Network channel's growth and development but later diversification into various programming not concentrated on animal or environmental or conservation areas. In fact, OLN network grew and became versus in 2006 (218).

The complexity of environmental reporting can be difficult to report and broadcast news because it's time and advertising constraints. One researcher Andrew Kendall found that the coverage of environmental reporting consisted of only 2% of all broadcast networks newscasts from 1998 to 2005 (220).

Neuzil also listed some websites Id like to explore more: Environmental Health News, worldchanging.com, dateline.com, earth.com, gristmill.com.

Thursday, February 16, 2012

The Firewood Problem


Miller, Bettye. 2011. "Firewood Movement Leading Cause of Oak Infestation." UCR Today. Regents of the University of California. September 2.

When I lived in Orlando, Florida for a short time, I spent time in the county parks, admiring the live oak trees. The massive canopies of these oaks stretched out impressively, their long branches held curtains of spanish moss that would sway in the slight breezes. When running around a pond closer to Orlando, I came across one live oak whose branch sloped down to the ground, then continued to grow underground for 10 feet before popping up again full of leaves. They are remarkable trees.

So this article from the University of California caught my eye. The area is facing a similar problem with borers, except they are worried about the gold spotted oak borer and the oak trees in San Diego. Miller mentions that the borer destroyed 80,000 oak trees since researchers found it in 2000. 

Eighty thousand seems like a staggering number. In context, here's what a natural resource specialist said about the numbers.

This may be the biggest oak mortality event since the Pleistocene (12,000 years ago) ... If we can keep firewood from moving out of the region, we may be able to stop one of the biggest invasive pests to reach California in a long time.
In research conducted recently, studies found that the beetle moved primarily through the transportation of firewood. And because the firewood industry is only loosely regulated, the article points to engaging the public as the main resource to save the trees, many of which are upwards of 250 years old.

From University of California, Riverside
Dead oaks trees line a California valley.

Friday, February 3, 2012

Notes: The Interview List

After speaking with my investigators, I'm adapted my thesis and created a more accessible methodology.


I'll be doing mixed methods, qualitative and quantitative, in a "think description" process of research. At first, I thought I would find out what the "best" method of communication was. But now, I'll be doing interviews and letting the data build from the interviews.


I might find out about unexpected attitudes from members of the community, then I could share them with the government agencies and see what they would do in response. The goal remains the same: find out how to protect communities from environmental risk. Usually this is the government's role. So what methods do they use to produce inclusion and participation with small- to medium-sized communities?


To start gathering data, I'll be interviewing stakeholders in the community. I'll start by sending an email to someone in the biology department, and see if there would be someone with interest in environmental risk communication to speak with. This will provide me with one disinterested party.


Secondly, I'll work my way down the list below, which provides a range of stakeholders in the region:




  • Hinnickers
  • Bill, a local arborist
  • Drummers
  • Thomas Tree and Landscape




These will provide me with a range of community members concerned with the environment, but also concerned about running a profitable business.


I'll conduct the interviews with a digital recorder. Then I'll move on to a list of state and local agency communication staff.


After that, I'll create a questionnaire with open-ended questions. I'll have to be careful not to lead any of the questions. The questionnaire will be given to a convenient sample of local landowners.


I'll assess the results and build a conclusion.


Seems pretty simple when writing it out like this. But how long will it take? I hope no more than a month.

Government Doc: Minnesota Rules

I found a copy of the 2009 Minnesota Rules, a gargantuan, multi-volume book hosting it's own wall in the library. 


Guess what? There's a lot of rules. I searched through the index book to find the section about invasive species. Chapter 1505, in a heavy, red-bound book, hosted the information I was looking for. The amount of information in here is incredible. I'm sure it's not referenced much unless a legal case moves around these laws, or if a city legislator is drafting a new law and wants to keep their rules and regulations straight.


Here's what the table of contents looks like for Chapter 1505:


Item number 1505.1080 applies directly to my study. People in communities have concerns about the use and procedures when it comes to pesticides. Rachel Carson's Silent Spring told of many horror-story scenarios documenting the government's use of pesticides in the 1960s. In one story, a government agency was battling an invasive species in Michigan. The agency used planes to drop pellets of pesticide over neighborhoods and rural areas. The pellets were thick enough to look like a layer of snow on the ground. Shortly after, birds turned up dead in yards across the area. 


Of course, this is an extreme example from fifty years ago. Agencies (at least in Minnesota) have moved to a more biological mode of battling pests. There are tighter regulations on chemical use, especially near groundwater, and more agencies to provide oversight, such as the federal and local EPA.


Nevertheless, people still remained concerned about pesticide use. I'll share an example from my own experience. I worked at a large treecare company. They took great care with pesticide spraying and employee safety. I sprayed mostly crabapple trees, and the chemical kept a fungus at bay. After a while, I trained in a young man to do my job. We stood at the edge of the street, preparing 100 gallons of water and pesticide mix in the back tank of the spray truck. 


As the tank mixed, a woman come up from the sidewalk. She was elderly, maybe 65, short, with white curly hair. She called to me, "Hey! Hey!" her voice stern and her eyes narrowed. "I know what you're doing. I know what you're up to." She pointed her finger at my chest. "And I don't want you in my neighborhood. You come around here spraying chemicals, spraying death!" She was yelling now. She continued by telling us how her daughter died of cancer and she knew chemicals had something to do with it.


I wanted to respond somehow, to share a condolence, or reassure her we were meeting all EPA and MDA standards set for us. But I didn't. She turned and walked away. 


I didn't speak again for a while. I got back in the truck and we left for the next job. It all seemed like a movie script. The plot was getting slack, so a quick conflict was thrown in. I'll never forget that elderly women's passion and her sincerity. By all means, no EPA, MDA assurance will get that lady to accept her trees being sprayed.